All those who promise free and just debate
Then blow up radicals to save the state,
Who allow, in democracy’s defence,
A parliament of spiked heads on a fence
All you go bawl out “Spikes things aint so bad”
This ain’t the Dark Ages
This is Trinidad.
Derek Walcott in his seminal poem- The Spoiler’s Return brilliantly and beautifully captures the role of the calypsonian in the Caribbean political climate. Spoiler returns from the dead sitting high upon a bridge in Laventille lamenting that something is rotten in the State. He traces the stench to the inept political figureheads of the day and outlines their hypocrisy and eagerness to hide the true state of affairs from their constituents. In so doing, he becomes and acts as agent for the opposition, a grassroots dissenter who is at the same time the voice of the people and his own voice.
The calypsonian as de facto parliamentarian has not always existed. The development of the calypsonian as the one of the main players in the political landscape marks the evolution of calypso from a medium of entertainment, to a social agent for political change. This is the political calypso- the calypso that transcends the realm of calypsonian as spectatator and reporter, into agitator and a veritable opposition.
In this paper, I focus first on the evolution of the political calypsonian in Trinidad & Tobago, not because the politicisation of calypso did not occur in the other islands, but because Trinidad & Tobago has witnessed a traceable leap in the development of its artform. I discuss briefly the role of the other islands, moving on to address the role of the calypsonian in the UK.
The Political Landscape in Trinidad and Tobago in the 1940’s
The political landscape in Trinidad and Tobago in 1940’s was characterised and influenced by wartime infrastructure. Various areas in Trinidad were leased to create naval bases in the area around Chaguaramas. It was also the period of the Labour riots. These riots of 1937 spearheaded by T.U.B. Butler (an immigrant from the neighbouring island of Grenada) led to the formation of the modern Trade Union movement. Butler was jailed from 1937 to 1939, but was re-arrested when the United Kingdom entered World War II and jailed for the duration of the war. After his release in 1945 Butler reorganised his political party, the British Empire Citizens' and Workers' Home Rule Party. This party won a majority in the 1950 General Elections.
It was within this climate of war and repression and the burgeoning movement for workers’ right that early calypso came to develop a political voice of its own.
The Early Years of Calypso
In the early 1940’s the calypsonian was limited by his role as entertainer. In fact, calypso was only just then emerging as a separate genre. This was the era of the chantuelles- singers who chanted alongside the stickfighters and spurred them into action and composed ditties for various masqueraders. In fact, most calypsonians were chantuelles who derived their songs from the chant of the Kalenda bands. Most chantuelles preferred, however, to sing for the upper classes and identified themselves as heroes of war. Calypsonians, on the other hand were associated with prostitution, the life of the lower class and carnival jamettes .
Calypsonians were seen by many in society, and particularly by the Roman Catholic population, as sinners and propagators of the devil’s work. The calypsos were often lewd and crude as they pandered to popular opinion.
One such calypso was sang by the Roaring Lion in the 1920’s:
“
Nettie Nettie
Give me the thing that you got in yuh belly
If yuh cyan stand de digging
Give me back me shilling”
Sociologist Pete Simon recalls the “fly-by-night, wine, women and song calypsos" of the calypsonians of that era. Smut was a feature of early calypso, the lyrics depicted the art of sex and the storylines were generally obscene.
Other than smut, the topics dealt mostly with various elements of life in post-war Trinidad & Tobago and world events. Lord Beginner crooned “Nora the War is Over” and the Duke of Iron regaled with a song dedicated to Mickey Cipriani. Women still featured, however. Lord Invader sang “Fan me Saga Boy” to great acclaim and the Duke of Iron had a very catchy tune known colloquially as “Matilda”.
However, during these early years, there remained a few calypsos which broke the mould and were sang in the vein of political commentary
“
When they say calypsonians musn’t mix with politics
Ah does watch them fix
Still they want calypsonians to redden up dey finger
But that’s only for kicks
You see every period before an election
You could hear them begging for vote from calypsonian
You see me so longs’t I vote
Ah go sing on dem political cutthroats
Because in this government have another government
Undermining the real government
In that government have some other government
Only retarding improvement
All dey mean is calypsonians must sing on bacchanal
Or make roadmarch for them to go jump for carnival
But not me, ay, Ah fus ah love mi country
So ah go sing on everybody”
During the late 1940’s calypso ceased to become primarily a form of amusement. It had begun to emerge as a critical and potent genre in engaging public opinion.
The PNM Years
The 1956 General Elections saw the emergence of the People's National Movement under the leadership of Eric Williams. The PNM, opposed by Dr. Rudranath Capildeo of the Democratic Labor Party and Ashford Sinanan, who later founded the West Indian National Party (WINP) continued to dominate politics in Trinidad and Tobago until 1986. The party won every General Election between 1956 and 1981.
After the 1956 General Elections, Dr Williams was hugely protected by the calypsonians, largely because he dared to stamp on the old ideas of colonialism and to relegate old ideas of the inferiority of the black man. The PNM years were characterised by an uneasy symbiosis. Indeed, at the opening of the 1957 Tent Season, the Original Young Brigade Singers including Sparrow and Striker feted Dr Williams’ achievements. Sparrow’s William the Conqueror is probably best known:
I am no politician
But I could understand
If wasn’t for Brother Willie
And his ability
Trinidad wouldn’t neither go nor come
We used to vote for food and rum
But nowadays we eating all the Indians and dem
Now we voting PNM
Praise little Eric rejoice and be glad
We have a brighter future in Trinidad
PNM
Ain’t got nobody like them
Cause they have the best leader
William the Conqueror.
It was Sparrow again who leapt to Williams’ defence in “Leave de Doctor alone” when rumours of Williams’ secret marriage was featured in the press. Sparrow in fact played a critical role as a supporting agent in the PNM political machinery. Sparrow continued to denigrate the opposition and the trade unions of the day whenever there was any showing of non-support for Williams:
In his Sewerage Talk he sang:
No gas today
No phone tomorrow
What next I don’t know
No drain digging
No rubbish cleaning
Is only corbeaux working the island as you see
Suffering politically
Because the present government
Have some stupid opponent
Not one is intelligent
In general, the calypso fraternity, belonging to the underclass of the day, was largely sympathetic to the PNMs’ political agenda and this led to the relationship between calypsonian and politician ceasing to mature. There were a series of pro PNM propaganda calypsos such as PAYE sang by Sparrow in 1958 which began with an anti income tax agenda but ended with the message that it was going to assist in job creation.
That is not to say that calypsonians, including Sparrow, did not openly criticise some of the PNM’s policies. Later, in the early 1970’s, as Williams lost popularity, there were a series of calypsos which were critical of the party- Maestro’s “To Sir with Love” and “Dread Man” in 1977 and Relator’s “Our Children Deserve Better”, are notable examples. However, a crucial turning point occurred after the death of Eric Williams.
The Turning Point
Williams died in office in 1981. The PNM remained in power following the death of Dr. Williams, but its 30 year rule ended in 1986 when the National Alliance for Reconstruction (NAR), a multi-ethnic coalition aimed at uniting Trinidadians of Afro-Trinidadian and Indo-Trinidadian descent, won a landslide victory by capturing 33 of 36 seats.
This victory, some say, did not occur by accident and it is was from that moment the power of calypso in the political arena became clear.
Chambers’ popularity fell to ebb when a calypsonian locally known as Gypsy sang “The Sinking Ship” in 1986.
The Trinidad, a luxury liner
Is sailing the Caribbean sea
With an old captain named Eric Williams
For years sailed smooth and free
But sadly Eric Williams passed away
The ship hit rough water that day
And someone turned the bridge over
To a captain named Chambers
Made blood crawl, things start to fall
(Chorus)
Captain, the ship is sinking
Captain, the seas are rough
Shall we abandon ship?
Or shall we stay on it
And perish slow? We don’t know
We don’t know
Captain you tell me what to do
This calypso was seminal not just in its message but in its style and in the way it was catapulted into the centre of political action. The NAR advertised its meetings with the words “ The Ship is Sinking” whilst PNM t-shirts read “This Ship is not Sinking”. To his credit, Chambers did not take personal offence to the song and invited Gypsy onto his personal platform. Gypsy said that he willed the song to bring Trinidad & Tobago out of its political apathy. Regardless of intention, this song became the pinnacle and reference point for political calypsos for the next few years. It is to be however noted that the tone of the song is respectful and the imagery of the double entendre is used to carry the message.
The Modern Political Calypso
The duality in meaning, and the dialectical culture of the political calypso means that the double entendre was prized and the most utilized medium of expression.
This is not particularly so with the modern genre of political calypso. The new political calypso uses the art of direct questioning to engage directly with the objects of its discourse, much in the form of an open parliamentary debate.
In The Stage is Mine, Sugar Aloes sings:
“
But even though they chastise me
They can’t take away this voice
It is very plain to see that
I am the People’s Choice
And I’m going to jam them hard
Anytime they cross the line
Commonsense must tell them
The Stage is Mine”
These lyrics show the calypsonian in open confrontational mode, declaring a form of verbal warfare with his opponent. He becomes at once the opposition and the free press, the leader of his own political party and a type of Ombudsman who will reign in the leaders of the day. He is trusted to lead the fight and valiantly, courageously and openly assumes battle.
Sugar Aloes later sings in “Never Again”
“
Civil disobedience that’s Panday’s requests
Encouraging his people to incite social unrest
Use allyuh vehicles, block roads and pavementte
He want them to march in town and shutdown the government
He just want to get back in power, so he doh care who the hell get kill
Until we have constitutional reform, he not supporting no Bill
Panday is a demon, who come straight from the depths of hell
When he’ll face reality, well boy only time will tell”
These new kinds of political calypsos are detailed and biting and do not operate through the bias of a veil. The political calypsonian openly reveals his opposition and attacks him aggressively, without restraint. The new political calypso is now characterised as being slightly rough around the edges, and though the format is loud and often vulgar, it is only ever expected to be true, aligned with the position on parliamentary privilege.
The Political Calypso in other islands
In other Caribbean islands, the political commentary also kept pace with developments in Trinidad and Tobago.
In Grenada, for instance, social agitators for change like the Black Wizard led the way in the early 1980’s with songs like “I am the IMF” which verbally assaulted the government of the day’s policies on debt restructuring. These early calypsos followed the dialectic of the mask or the frame.
In the early 1990’s there was a critical shift in the political commentary found in the islands. Singers like Finley Jeffrey “Scholar” and Raymond Matthew “Beast” were early proponents of the new form of calypso which focused on hard-hitting politically biting songs. Scholar’s “Prefer to Go to Hell” marked the development of the political commentary as a virtual replacement of the opposition in Grenada during the 12 years of rule of the New National Party, and during the period when the opposition won no votes in the island. These calypsos were punchy and the focus was placed on “plain speech”. The calypsonian became the voice of the people in the absence of an opposition and played a crucial role in the preservation and maintenance of democracy and free speech.
This is also the same in islands like St. Vincent and Barbados, where local calypsonians continue to see their role as de facto representatives of the people.
The Political Calypso in Britain
The calypso culture in Britian has evolved over slowly over a period of time, but only significantly within the boundaries of the Notting Hill Carnival and the London Calypso Tent. Contrary to the Caribbean where calypso is the national music of choice, calypso is marginalised in the society and as a consequence, so is its role. To Caribbean migrants, who are twice diasporised, the calypso enjoys a cult status but to the rest of Britain, who are mainly onlookers, the calypso remains a genre which sits on the fringes of British society.
Composers like Lord Cloak and the Mighty Tiger in the early years, crystallized the genre as a source of entertainment and social commentary. In the early years, Londoners starved for news, also tended to focus the calypso on issues experienced at home. However, others, like Alexander the Great began very early on to sing about issues that were relevant to the UK context and actively agitated for change in this respect.
In more recent years, there has been a decisive focus on the social issues faced in Britain and calypsos on political issues have been sung by the new generation of artists such as Brown Sugar, Helena B, and Wen D. Some posit that this is because they are becoming more and more comfortable with the United Kingdom as home and stake their rights to comment on the issues and structures that affect them.
The political calypso in the UK has not, however, taken off where the contemporaries in the Caribbean have left it. The calypsos are more somber in mood and respectful in tone. G String’s “Obama” (2009) and Akima Paul’s “The Audacity of Despair” (2009) do not possess the gritty tones and hard hitting punch-lines that the political commentaries of the Caribbean.
The question is do they need to? In a country where democracy is clearly enshrined and free speech is indeed free, what becomes of the role of the calypsonian? Where is the vacuum he is trying to fill? The author would suggest that the calypsonian maybe cannot speak for the vast majority of British subjects who are already ably represented in the Westminster model, but he or she can speak for the new British subjects.
Perhaps the calypsonian perhaps can be the voice of the immigrant as his role unfurls in British society? Maybe the calypsonian can speak for the Romanians, the Poles and the Kazakhs too as we all play a part within this Diaspora? Perhaps calypso can become the voice of the unrepresented much as it is in the Caribbean, and it is possible that it will develop beyond the confines of the tent into a valuable agitator for change?
Photo from Joseph Jones photography.